NEC Report – 21 July 2021
The July NEC has a
reputation for having a heavy agenda every year, and this was no exception,
lasting nine and a quarter hours on one of the hottest days of the year.
The most important
items in my view were the reports from the General Secretary and Executive Director
of Finance about Labour’s financial situation and the restructuring this necessitates.
David Evans said that
since his appointment he had been preparing a restructuring called Organise to
Win, aimed at getting the Labour Party into shape to fight the next General Election
but also putting in on a sustainable financial footing. This is the first full
scale review of Labour’s professional machine since 2006, so long overdue. The
party was traumatised by four General Election defeats and by 2019 it had lost
its reputation for campaigning innovation and faced a far more modern Tory
machine, particularly in digital campaigning. Structural problems had been laid
bare by the May local elections. The antisemitism crisis and legal challenges
associated with it meant we are spending more on legal action than on campaigning,
and ten times more than we used to. Much of the review was informed by pro bono
work by Lord (Bob) Kerslake and other financial and organisational structure
experts. The new structure will have a simplified hub and spoke model with
support services in the centre and at three regional resource hubs, and as much
campaigning resource as possible put out into the regions and nations. It will
foster collaborative working and enable staff to develop specialisms and become
experts. Resources will be focussed on communications, digital campaigning and
field operations. To make it financially sustainable it will be lean, with
sadly 90 redundancies needed, but strong enough to be built back from as we
approach the General Election. Cultural change internally away from
factionalism will be driven by rewarding good behaviour and a focus on diversity
and inclusion. Sign off processes will be streamlined to try to reduce the risk
averse culture that has developed. A flatter management structure is more
appropriate for any political campaign organisation. All operations will be
guided by the electoral strategy.
The Executive Director
Finance provided more detail on the financial situation. As well as the vastly
increased legal costs budget, staffing had remained at General Election levels
ever since 2015 due to the three elections in quick succession and the unique
circumstances of the pandemic. Historically all political parties have lower
donations, lower membership and fewer staff in the mid years of the electoral
cycle, and Labour needs to get back to a sustainable number of core staff in
the midterm. The legal spend will gradually reduce as the backlog of disciplinary
cases is dealt with. The party had lost 22% of the “Short Money” that funds the
policy function of HM Opposition because this is based on a formula relating to
electoral performance so it was cut due to the seats lost in 2019. The
cancellation of the 2020 Annual Conference had removed the main source of
commercial income for that year. Membership always spikes at a General Election
or Leadership Election then drifts down between such events. Even so,
membership income in 2021 was the same as in 2019, it was only lower than the
record 2020 level. Plans were in place for growing both high value one off
donations, smaller regular donations and membership. Treasurer, Diana Holland,
noted that whilst the party has a deficit it needs to reduce by making savings,
its long-term financial position is far stronger than before 2010 as it has no
debt anymore.
David also reported on
the boundary review process, the byelections in Chesham & Amersham and Batley
& Spen, and the successful Women’s Conference. On the long-awaited Forde
Report he said he was pushing Martin Forde QC to complete and publish by early
autumn the two sections of the report which don’t potentially prejudice the ICO’s
investigation. The sections on the truth or not of the content of the leaked
report last year, and on the culture and practices of the party, could be
published if they are ready, but the section on the circumstances of the leak
need to wait until the ICO has reported.
Bespoke unconscious bias
training was being rolled out to staff and the NEC. The NEC would continue to
meet online until its meetings at conference. CLP meetings could now either be
held in person or online, with guidance on Covid safety being issued.
As at previous meetings
there were questions from his supporters about Jeremy Corbyn’s suspension from
the PLP. David emphasised that the Chief Whip has put the letter to Jeremy with
its three criteria for the whip being restored into the public domain. Those criteria
have not been met yet.
We also heard reports
from the Leader and Deputy Leader.
Keir explained that the
three days he had spent on the ground in Blackpool listening to voters was part
of a pattern that would continue around the country through the summer. Each
visit would show the leadership getting outside Westminster and would involve
interaction with local media and community groups. Keir said that Labour was on
the attack on every level against the Tories on Covid as the Delta variant was “the
Johnson variant”, spreading rapidly due to Boris’ failure to take effective action,
and the Tories were causing the country a summer of chaos and confusion.
It was disappointing
that some colleagues again chose to waste their unique opportunity to engage
constructively with Keir with rude and relentlessly negative questions,
including asking the same ones about Jeremy Corbyn that David Evans had already
answered.
Angela Rayner’s report
focussed on the campaigning Labour would be doing over the summer to expose the
Tories and set out our contrasting vision.
We agreed a report on
Liverpool from a panel led by Sir David Hanson, which dealt with the Labour Party
aspects of the fallout from the arrest of the former Mayor and subsequent
Caller Report into the City Council. Having interviewed 60 of the key figures
in the local party, it was clear that there was a bullying and toxic culture, a
lack of scrutiny of the council, failure to declare interests etc. The panel’s
32 recommendations include dedicated party staff support for Liverpool, the NEC
to run the panel process for council candidates, vetting, a code of practice
and declarations of interest, antisemitism training for candidates and party
officers, fast-tracking of all complaints about Liverpool members, refocusing the
Local Campaign Forum on local issues, and reconstitution of the city’s CLPs so
they all have a branch and GC model and scrutiny of councillors will be the
same across the city.
I raised the related
issues around Liverpool Jewish women MPs Louise Ellman and Luciana Berger being
driven out of the party by antisemitism and said we would not have fully dealt
with antisemitism until they felt able to re-join.
We then moved on to
consider a general paper on how we assess the proscription of groups that are
not compatible with Labour’s values, and four specific cases. I spoke in favour
of the proscriptions. I was disappointed that some NEC members argued against
proscription. I do not understand why more mainstream parts of the Hard Left
cannot see the damage being done to their own reputation, let alone the party’s,
by tolerating groups that minimise or deny the existence of antisemitism, or
that are rival revolutionary communist parties seeking to infiltrate Labour. It
was clear to me that Socialist Appeal is an entryist group, one of two lineal successors
to the Militant Tendency, that Resist is already part of the steering committee
of TUSC, a rival political party, and that Resist, Labour in Exile Network and
Labour Against the Witch-hunt all oppose the party’s efforts to deal with
antisemitism. None of these organisations belong anywhere near the Labour Party.
The main paper was
approved by 22 votes to 11.
The proscription of
Labour in Exile Network was approved by 22 votes to 10.
The proscription of Labour
Against the Witch-hunt was approved by 22 votes to 10.
The proscription of
Socialist Appeal was approved by 20 votes to 12.
The proscription of
Resist was approved by 23 votes to 9.
We noted that membership
of the party was now 466,000.
On Annual Conference we
heard that the “Plan A” was a normal physical conference. If Covid necessitated,
it then we could have a socially distant main hall with delegates only.
Delegates who need to self-isolate could be replaced. Further fallback plans
were for a hybrid online and physical conference or even a fully online one.
Reference Backs on parts of National Policy Forum reports will now need to be
sent in in advance of conference rather than from the floor. Replacement movers
and seconders for composite motions will be allowed if the delegates from the
initial organisations are pinged and have to self-isolate.
We agreed the outlines
of the new Independent Complaints Process required by the EHRC as part of our
action to stamp out antisemitism. It was noted that every action in the party’s
EHRC Action Plan has been completed or is ongoing except this. The new process
will apply to all disciplinary cases relating to the legally protected characteristics
(age, disability, gender reassignment, marriage and civil partnership, pregnancy
and maternity, race, religion or belief, sex, sexual orientation), not just to
antisemitism cases. Contrary to one NEC member’s question on an earlier item,
Marxism is not a protected characteristic under the Equalities Act! The process
requires further refinement and consultation with affected stakeholders before
rule changes are agreed at Conference. Currently the NEC’s Disputes Panels,
with an independent lawyer giving advice, hear cases where all the evidence is in
writing. The National Constitutional Committee hears cases that need an oral hearing
and appeals. Its rulings are final.
Under the new system
the NEC Disputes Panels will still meet but where there are cases involving
protected characteristics a lawyer from an Independent Review Panel (IRP) will
be able to veto their judgements and refer them to an Independent Appeal Board
(IAB) if they do not comply with the rules, the law, and new principles of
independence. The IAB will consist of 4 lawyers, 4 lay members and 4 HR or
regulatory experts, one person from each of these categories will serve on each
decision-making panel. An IAB panel will also hear cases that would previously
have gone to the NCC but involve a protected characteristic. The IRP will also
have the power to undertake audits of the disciplinary process. IAB members
will be appointed by a Recruitment Panel established by the General Secretary
or their nominee.
Because of case law
about the right to freedom of assembly and association under Article 11 of the
Human Rights Act it isn’t legally possible to make the process totally
independent from the Labour Party. The proposal is financially practicable and
legally watertight and meets the EHRC’s requirements.
We were informed that
it will take a further six months to clear the backlog of disciplinary cases.
We ended the meeting by
agreeing a new Code of Conduct on Confidentiality by 19 votes to 10, and then there
was a high note of unanimity where we agreed the very important Code of Conduct
on Islamophobia, which incorporates the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on
British Muslims Definition of Islamophobia, unanimously.
Since the previous NEC
meeting on 25 May, I have also participated in the following other meetings. It
is not my intention usually to report in detail on sub-committee meetings
because when I was on the NEC before we were under instruction that reports
should only be on full meetings not committees, and in the case of Disputes
Panels the proceedings are confidential:
·
Equalities
Committee – 1 June
·
Organisation
Committee – 8 June
·
Disputes
Panel – 8 June
·
Health
and Social Care Policy Commission – 26 May, 22 June
·
National
Policy Forum – 6 July
·
Working
Group on student structures – 8 July
·
Disabled
Members Structures Working Group – 15 July
·
Boundary
Review Working Group – 6 meetings and 3 regional consultation events
·
And
a Disputes Panel hearing
1 Comments:
All good until the very last item. What a pity. The APPG definition of islamophobia is a shoddy piece of work which fails to do what it's intended to do, but does open the door to legitimate opinions wrongly being branded hateful. It should not be used nor endorsed.
6:44 pm, July 22, 2021
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